Category Archives: Democracy

Organic Law: Cort closes “proclamation” loophole

In a decision announced on 18th April, a five-justice panel of el Cort pu Inalt has rejected the King’s assertion of a power to block Organic Law changes by refusing to proclaim them after they had been duly ratified. The King claimed that by “explicitly refusing” to proclaim 47RZ28, which curtailed his discretion in appointing provincial representatives, he was able to prevent its inclusion in the Organic Law. The subsequent controversy has become known as the Proclamation Crisis.

Four of the Justices of the Uppermost Cort, with one Justice abstaining, upheld the appeal launched by the last government to a previous decision of the Cort delivered in November 2015. At that time a three-Justice panel decided 2-1 that the King’s action was Organic, and that 47RZ28 could not be incorporated in the Organic Law.

However following an appeal launched by the outgoing government prior to the general election, the Cort has now determined that such a power was “undemocratic and not in keeping with the body of law upon which the Kingdom was founded. The Cort has thus ordered that all amendments certified as having been ratified by referendum are to be incorporated in the Organic Law, regardless of whether they are proclaimed or not.

This means in practice that both 47RZ28 and the more recently ratified 48RZ16, the so-called “3/4 Majority Amendment”, are now the law of the land, despite the King’s rejection of the first and controversial reticence on the second. The latter measure, intended as a solution to the Crisis, grants the King a veto over bills amending the constitution, which will be possible for the Ziu to override with a supermajority, or by re-enacting the same amendment following a general election.

In a public statement FreeDem leader and former Attorney-General Miestrâ Schivâ described the decision as both “gratifying” and “vexing”. She declared that the decision vindicated her legal strategy and provided a “legal, political road” to political reform, even over the monarchs objections. However she regretted that the Cort had not suspended the holding of the referendum on 48RZ16, as she had requested. She stated that her party’s attitude of cautious support towards the proposal would have been different had the Cort been able to reach a decision before the vote was taken, and that the amendment had “made things worse”. She accused 48RZ16’s RUMP supporters of deliberately obstructing her case in order to “win whichever way the Cort ruled”.

Reaction from other MZs was swift. ModRad Senator Epic da Lhiun welcomed the decision and bluntly reiterated his lack of confidence in the King. His party colleague and fellow sponsor of 48RZ16 Ian Plätschisch MC took issue with D:na Schivâ’s criticism of the amendment, calling it a “landmark compromise” and denying it would have negative consequences. The Minister of Stuff later told ETT that in his opinion 48RZ16 was most in line with moderate principles and that he believed that the Proclamation Crisis was over, “but you never know what could happen”.

Speaking to ETT Minister of Finance and Cabinet Chief of Staff Sir Alexandreu Davinescu stated that he welcomed the “practical effect” of the ruling, even as he criticised its legal basis. He noted that the two Justices in the majority in the November 2015 decision, Justices dal Nordselvă and Cjantscheir, had now reversed themselves in what he claimed was defiance of the principles of precedent. He also stated that as far as he was concerned the Cort’s ruling and 48RZ16 had closed the issue, expressing a desire to “move on” from the controversy.

There has been no official statement from the Royal Household at the time of writing.

48th Cosa: August Clark Results

Secretary of State Marti-Pair Furxheir published the results of the August Clark yesterday. 16 out of 19 MCs cast votes in the Clark, with MCs Eovart Caçeir (Progressive), Daniel Candee (Socialist) and Moritz Iesu Preiria Fernaodescu (FDA) failing to vote their combined 24 seats. In the Senäts, only Txosuè Rôibeardescù of Cezembre failed to vote on the Clark. Questions have however been raised as to whether the Senator actually meant it to be understood that he wished to vote Për on all bills “unless told otherwise” by the citizens of Cezembre.

The government easily survived the Vote of Confidence with 107 votes Për, 69 Contrâ, despite the absence of S:reus Preiria and Caçeir, with four and twelve seats respectively. This was thanks to the support of Gaglhen Fotaleça (TSP) and Nicholas Hayes (Independent), whose combined eighteen seats votes easily compensated for the absence of the errant coalition MCs. The entire RUMP parliamentary group voted no confidence in the government, alone among the parties represented in the Cosa.

Three bills, The Nobody Feels Like Writing Acts Just to Fix Typos Act (48RZ5), the 48th Cosa Budget Act (48RZ7), and the National Census Act (48RZ10) all passed both houses of the Ziu. By contrast, the controversial Office of Dynamic Data Records Bill (48RZ9) was defeated in both houses. The We Need A Phoole Bill (48RZ6) was narrowly passed in the Senäts but heavily defeated in the Cosa. The Electoral Commission Reform Amendment (48RZ8), an Organic Law amendment, was passed in the Senäts but failed in the Cosa, where it did not attain a two-thirds majority.

Proposed by Ian Plätsisch MC (MRPT), 48RZ5 gives the Scribe the authority to correct any grammatical or orthographic errors he identifies in any laws passed by the Ziu, subject to there being no objections from MZs to the revision. The Act was approved in both houses of the Ziu, with 87 votes Për, 62 seats Conträ, and 23 abstentions in the Cosa, and 4 votes Për, 2 Conträ and 1 abstention in the Senäts.

48RZ7, outlining the government’s spending priorities for the 48th Cosa was proposed by the Distain, Senator Lüc da Schir. The Act was not notably controversial, and passed the Cosa with 111 votes Për, 50 Contrâ, and 11 abstentions, even if RUMP leader Sir Alexander Davinescu MC expressed some scepticism about the determination of the government to see their plans through to completion. In the Senäts, the Act passed with 6 votes Për, and 1 Contrâ. (Read ETT’s analysis of the budget announcement here).

48RZ10 also won a high level of cross-party consensus. The Act establishes a National Census process as an alternative path to retaining citizenship, which at the moment is subject to a compulsory voting requirement. The Bill was proposed by Senator Schivâ of the FDA. Sir Alexandreu Davinescu was officially listed as a co-sponsor, despite his demurral of any such intention and his prominent role in the Hopper in arriving at the final language of the Bill.

48RZ9 was proposed by the Secretary of State Marti-Pair Furxheir. The bill would have established a new office of the Royal Household, that of Royal Data Clerk. This official, who would have been none other than the Secretary himself, would be head of the Office of Dynamic Data Records, and would be responsible for the maintenance of the official state database. This database was created by S:reu Furxheir and is presently managed by him as a private venture. On passage of the Bill, S:reu Furxheir would have transferred ownership of the records to the newly created office, and thus they would become property of the Kingdom. Concern was expressed by some MZs at the strict terms by which the Royal Data Clerk could be removed from office, and more generally at the perception that the Secretary was attempting to legislate an office and title for his personal benefit. These criticisms were met with open dismay by the Secretary, who insisted that he was attempting to create the conditions for an orderly nationalisation of the database, which has been unsuccessfuly proposed by several governments. Ultimately the bill failed to win the support of either house of the Ziu. In the Cosa the bill was heavily defeated, with 31 votes Për, 108 Contrâ and 33 abstentions. In the Senäts the bill received 2 votes Për, 3 Contrâ and 3 abstentions.

48RZ8 was also proposed by the Secretary of State. The amendment proposed to clarify the procedure surrounding the validation of the election results calculated by the elections database, which is currently the responsibility of an Electoral Commission made up of Justices of the Uppermost Cort. Criticised for increasing what was claimed to be an already high level of complexity in the Organic Law, the amendment failed to convince the Cosa. It failed to reach a two-thirds majority in the house, with 89 votes Për, 72 Contrâ and 11 abstentions. The amendment found more favour with the Senäts, where it passed with 5 votes Për, 1 Contrâ and 1 abstention.

48RZ6 was the second bill on the Clark proposed by S:reu Plästisch. The primary aim of the bill was to grant citizenship to prospective citizen Ann Elisabeth Shapera, a professional entertainer (a “Phoole”) who has been Milwaukee’s Official Jester since 2004, and who has expressed the ambition to become official Royal Jester of the Kingdom. S:reu Plätsisch’s bill attempted to simultaneously grant D:na Shapera citizenship, a move uniformly welcomed, and to create a new post in the Royal Household, that of Phoole, which generated far less consensus. S:reu Plätsisch has himself publicly acknowledged that he may have been guilty of overconfidence in attempting to marry these conflicting aims. The widespread unease about the creation of the post of Phoole led to the defeat of the bill in the Cosa, with 52 votes Për, 90 Contrâ and 30 abstentions. The bill actually passed in the Senäts, with 3 votes Për, 1 Contrâ, and 3 abstentions.

Ian Plätsisch asks: “Is it time for a constitutional convention?”

Indefatigable MRPT MC Ian Plätsisch (interviewed by ETT here) has taken another bold initiative in constitutional matters, posting an open public poll on Witternberg asking “Is it time for a constitutional convention?”. S:reu Plätsisch explained his stance favouring a shorter, modernised constitution by observing that “if [constitutional] amendments are getting proposed every Clark, it’s a pretty good sign that the OrgLaw is no longer functioning well”. At the time of writing, eight respondents have pronounced themselves in favour, with two against and two favouring incremental change.

Reaction from within the coalition to the outspoken MC’s initative has been cautiously positive. Speaking to ETT Senator Miestrâ Schivâ of the FDA stated that “MC Plätsisch’s initiative has taken us, just like his own party, by surprise. We’re debating this within the FreeDem executive and may debate it further at the merger conference”. Senator Schivâ further stated that this gathering will be called in Maricopa “quite soon”. In her public remarks on S:reu Plätsisch’s move, the Senator emphasised that FDA policy calls for a constitutional convention, a stance supported by party colleague Françal Ian Lux MC.

MRPT leader and Distain Senator Lüc da Shir told ETT that “Organic Law reform isn’t a priority of the MRPT.” The Senator stated however that he was not opposed to a constitutional convention in principle given that “the Organic Law is bulky and somewhat outdated”. With respect to the amplitude of any changes envisioned by his party, the Distain told ETT that “the MRPT is still very much committed to preserving the Monarchy and the various cornerstones of the Kingdom of Talossa…we will not support any attempts to distort [the Organic Law]”.

His party colleague Senator Magniloqueu Épiqeu da Lhiun was however more supportive of more radical changes in the Organic Law, describing the present document in his public remarks on S:reu Plätsisch’s initiative as “neither adequate, nor useful for Talossa anymore”. Senator da Lhiun echoed earlier response by Senator Eovart Grischun who stated that the current document “might be a little outdated for the current Talossan state of affairs”. TSP leader Gaglhen Fortaleça MC asked “is there even a doubt that the TSP isn’t all for this?”

A note of caution was however sounded by RUMP leader Sir Alexandreu Davinescu MC, who stated that in his view “the OrgLaw has just gotten better, stronger, and more suitable to us over the years”. He did however accept the need for a rationalisation of certain details which have been added to the Organic Law in the last few years, and which could be moved into statute law. This stance was echoed by Justice Txec dal Nordselvă, who stated that while he could not “envision the chaos that would accompany a full-fledged constitutional convention”, he did see a need to condense the current version of the Organic Law.

48th Cosa: Seneschal calls for cut in Cosa seats

Seneschal C. Carlüs Xheraltescù has introduced a bill in the Hopper that would reduce the size of the Cosa to 10% of its present size. The bill, entitled the “Please Be Seated Amendment”, would amend the Organic Law to reduce the total number of seats in the lower house of the Ziu to twenty. At the moment the Cosa has two hundred seats, which is a ratio of 1 seat to 1.17 adult citizens.

The Bill’s preamble states that “political office should be more of a challenge to acquire” and that “competition can only result in a higher quality of public debates”. The reduced number of seats would be distributed according to the parties’ share of the vote as now, and the allocation of those seats would remain at the parties’ discretion. The coalition has however also committed to addressing the question of mandatory candidate lists during the 48th Cosa, and the Seneschal reiterated this pledge in the Ziu recently. Individual Members of the Cosa would also still be able to hold multiple seats, subject to the legal cap on the number of seats any one Member can hold.

The Bill addresses a Talossan peculiarity, known as the “one-man party”. At present there are more seats available in the Cosa than there are actual voters. Individual citizens may thus bypass not only the political parties but the need for any actual popular support whatsoever, and can become a member of the lower house of the Ziu merely on the basis of their own individual vote. Indeed, depending on the actual turnout one popular vote may actually entitle the MC-elect to two or more Cosa seats.

The Bill may also be an indirect attempt to reduce the extent to which party leaders can widely distribute seats in the Cosa, particularly to new citizens, an aspect which is underlined by some of the contributions made by coalition MZs to the debate in the Ziu. Critics of the practice claim this is a form of political patronage facilitated by the “EM200″ system, so named for its originators, Wes Erni and Robert Ben Madison. At the time of its introduction the latter reigned as King Robert I.

The Coalition Agreement called for a reduction of the size of the Cosa, but did not specify a target for this reduction. The MRPT manifesto proposed a reduction to sixty seats, would would impose a de facto threshold of approximately two votes in order to win representation in the Cosa. The FDA manifesto also committed the alliance to reducing the size of the Cosa, but did not specify a numerical target.

Reactions in the Ziu have been charged, with RUMP MZs criticising the bill for what they claim is its undermining of representativity. Both Sir Alexandreu Davinescu and Sir Cresti Siervicül, who are the most vocal RUMP MCs, have ruled out supporting any change in the size of the Cosa. Sir Alexandreu described the proposals as making the Cosa “less representative of the voter’s wishes”. He also urged the smaller parties in the Cosa to oppose the bill, stating that “the price we’d pay for this bill is too high, especially when all we’d get in return is making ourselves seem more elite and making our country less representative”.

In response to Sir Alexandreu’s statements, as well as the assertions by Sir Cresti that a reduction in the number of Cosa seats would have unpredictable and potentially unjust effects on the representation of smaller parties, TSP leader Gaglhen Fortaleça stated that “this bill walks in EXACTLY the wrong direction. Keep the Cosa as it is!”

Vocal MRPT MC Ian Plätschisch also criticised the bill, stating that the “drastic” reduction in the size of the Cosa would “eliminate the party dynamics that everyone knows and loves”, and that “20 [seats] is too small to allow even representation for smaller (not even necessarily 1 person) parties”.

Senator Miestrâ Schivâ defended the bill on the grounds that “I heartily support this bill, although I could be persuaded by any other electoral reforms which would make an effective threshold of 2 or 3 votes for winning a Cosa seat”. Arguing that the provincial assemblies were moribund due to the ease with which Cosa seats could be had, the Senator further accused the RUMP of fearing “this bill because it will mean they won’t be able to bring whoever they like into the Cosa using 0.5% of the legislature as a bribe.”

Françal Ian Lux MC stated that “the whole point of this bill is to allow the Cosa to be more effective and efficient with its work”, and claimed that the two hundred-seat Cosa led to “complacency”. He also stated that “if you only have 20 seats, only those who are truly involved AND worthy are the only ones who’ll get a seat. Even if it seems elitist and exclusive, I’d much rather have such an arraignment if it would benefit the government and the kingdom as a whole.”

The Seneschal indicated that he is open to compromise on the final seat total, and called upon the opposition to propose changes to the Bill that would achieve its aim of improving the quality of representation while addressing some of the concerns about the future of the smaller parties.

48th Cosa: BenArd seats redistributed; Hayes stays in the Cosa

According to an announcement by Secretary of State Marti-Pair Furxheir, MC-elect Béneditsch (BenArd) Ardpresteir hs not paid the US$20 seat registration fee, nor provided the Chancery with a seat alloction. This means that under Article VII, section 9 of the Organic Law, the seats are considered vacant and, in the absence of a party leader to re-allocate them, a replacement will have to be appointed by the King “using his best judgement”. The King has therefore filled the vacant seats based on the final proposal published by the Chancery.

S:reu Furxheir also revealed that he had finally received the seat allcoation from the other independent MC-elect, Nicholas Hayes. S:reu Hayes, who has maintained a low public profile since his election, was thought to have forfeited his seats in the same way as S:reu Ardpresteir as he had failed to supply a seat allocation to Chancery. This was apparently rectified on 21st July, leaving only the four seats abandoned by S:reu Ardpresteir to be redistributed.

According to the final calculations published by the Chancery for the King’s guidance, the vacant seats are to be allocated as follows:

RUMP 2 seats (allocated to Sir Alexandreu Davinescu)
MRPT 1 seat (to Lupuluc da Fhoglha)
FDA 1 seat (to C. Carlüs Xheraltescù)

This leaves the now 200 seat Cosa with the following composition:

RUMP 69 seats
FDA 48 seats
MRPT 47 seats
TSP 16 seats
PP 14 seats
Hayes 6 seats

The government parties improve their relative position slightly, due to the (apparent) renaissance of S:reu Hayes and the non-arrival of the historically RUMP-aligned BenArd. (Hayes is not formally a supporter of the coalition but was appointed a Deputy Minister of the Interior by the present government). However the RUMP have strengthened their position in constitutional matters by extending their blocking minority position.

OPINION: Crowned radicals and conservative democrats

The Democratic Amendment has gone down to failure. While 123 seats in the Cosa and 6 of 8 Senators supported the Amendment, this was not enough to overcome the opposition of the RUMP, which narrowly retained a blocking minority in the Cosa after the general election, even while losing 11 seats in the process.

One of the ironies of the situation we now find ourselves in is that the most conservative measure yet proposed is the Democratic Amendment itself. It was a direct solution to the crisis, in that it removed the legal ambiguities exploited by the King to radically assert a power to block duly authorised constitutional amendments that was dramatically at odds with the customary way our constitution has worked. The Amendment would have brought the letter of the Organic Law into line with decades of precedent that even the unlamented King Robert never dared to challenge. No Talossan, including it seems not even the King, would want any but the people to have the final word on an issue like this, but here we are.

Unlike the Balanced Government Amendment proposed by Sir Alexandreu Davinescu, the Democratic Amendment would not have created new supermajority requirements triggered entirely at the King’s discretion that would make any change to the Organic Law unacceptably slow, if not impossible, without virtual unanimity in the Ziu. Sir Alexandreu’s proposal was eloquently made and undoubtedly well-meant, but it unfortunately smacks of special pleading for a minority and has been marginalised as a result.

And unlike Ian Plätschisch’s Court Ordered Pontification proposal, the Democratic Amendment would not have created an unprecedented situation where the Uppermost Cort would in effect be asked to pronounce on the comparative representivity of the Ziu that voted the law, and the quality of the debate that led up to that vote-an innovation the Chief Justice has himself expressed public reservations about. S:reu Plätschisch’s political courage and honourable desire to bring both sides of the Ziu together should be heartily commended, but in my view he errs in bending too far to accommodate rhetoric about “wave elections” which are almost impossible to satisfactorily define in practice.

The reality is that the King is not a deaf mute, trapped in a gilded cage by crypto-Jacobins. He is a member of the Ziu and has the perfect right to participate in debates, and to propose alternatives in the Hopper to measures he views as unwise or ill-conceived (he has for example already done so with the so-called “Time Bomb Amendment” in the 48th Cosa). This is a privilege is that most modern constitutional monarchs do not enjoy. Furthermore the King also has the right to offer his own advice to voters in referenda on Organic Law amendments since he is not bound by any law to remain silent if his conscience moves him. If in his opinion the level of debate or the quality of the proposals are lacking, the King has many tools at his disposal to intervene.

My modest proposal for resolving the Proclamation Crisis is for the Ziu to do…nothing. If the King does not wish to have the power he asserted in strangling 47RZ28 at birth, then he should reverse his explicit inaction on that measure, and state that he will never exercise it again, or at the very least not without seeking the advice of his government. And for the future? Most Members of the Ziu, and I believe most Talossans regardless of their view of hereditary monarchy, would welcome the insight and intelligence of a constitutional scholar of the King’s calibre in what are often highly technical debates. Let him exercise that formidable legal intelligence constructively when laws are made, and leave the final word to the sovereign people.

The best protection a constitutional monarch can have is the respect of his people and the trust of his government (whatever its political stripe). It seems to me that rather than trying to create a paper palisade around the monarchy by legalistic means, the King should seek to rebuild that respect and that trust, for the sake of his own legacy and that of the House of Lupul.

(NB: the above is strictly the opinion of the author and does not necessarily reflect the views of the publishers)

July Clark: Democratic Amendment fails, three out of four bills defeated

As predicted by ETT, 48RZ2 (the Democratic Amendment) failed to overcome determined RUMP opposition in the Cosa. The Amendment was supported by 123 seats, with the coalition parties and the Socialists voting për. The 67 seats held by the RUMP voted contrâ. This meant that the Amendment failed to reach the required two-thirds majority in the Cosa. No MCs abstained, but neither Nicholas Hayes nor Béneditsch Ardpresteir participated in the vote, and thus would seem to have exited the Ziu. As reported by ETT, since since neither has completed the formalities necessary to claim their seats, according to the Chancery, the seats they won the general election will be re-allocated. In the Senäts, the Amendment actually passed, with a majority of 6 Senators voting për, and two abstaining.

In fact three of the four bills clarked failed to pass the Ziu. As well as the Democratic Amendment, two other bills, an Organic Law amendement and an ordinary statute, were defeated.

48RZ1, the Automatic Votes Validation Amendment, clarked by the Secretary of State Marti-Pair Furxheir, would have revised the electoral provisions of the Organic Law. It would have moved the point at which election were validated from the level of each individual vote cast to a verification of the electronic voting system itself. The Amendment failed in the Cosa, as it was unable to reach a two-thirds majority. In the Cosa 100 seats voted për, 79 contrâ, with 11 abstentions. In the Senäts, 4 Senators voted për, 3 contrâ, with 1 abstention.

48RZ4, the Easy Conversions Bill was a statute proposed by Ian Plätschisch MC and would have changed the official system of measurement of the Kingdom to the metric system. In the Cosa, the bill received majority support, but the Senäts deadlocked, leading to its defeat. In the Cosa, 111 seats voted për, 56 contrâ, with 23 abstentions. In the Senäts 4 Senators voted për, 4 contrâ.

The fourth and only successful measure in the July Clark was 48RZ3, the We Had a Short Amendment Buried in a Larger One Act. This Organic Law amendement was proposed by Senator Munditenens Tresplet. Its corrects an anomaly that had been created by a previous constitutional reform relating to the right of Members of the Cosa to declare themselves the nominal representative of a particular geographic constituency, despite MCs actually being elected from one national constituency. The amendment received the required majorities in each house of the Ziu. In the Cosa, 152 seats voted për, 11 seats contrâ, with 27 abstentions. In the Senäts, 7 Senators voted për, with one Senator voting contrâ.

48th Cosa: July Clark published, seat allocations begin

Secretary of State Marti-Pair Furxheir has announced the publication of the July 2015 Clark. The SoS decided to proceed with the publication on the basis that while the Election Commission is still studying the results of the referenda held alongside the 48th Cosa election, they have validated the votes cast for elections to the Ziu.

The Clark is published each month during the term of each Cosa. Each Clark at minimum must contain a Vote of Confidence. The July Clark contains four bills for consideration, as well as the VoC. The bills include the Democratic Amendment  that would if passed eliminate the right claimed by the King to effectively veto amendments to the Organic Law (sparking the so-called “Proclamation Crisis“).

In order to vote on bills in the Clark, political parties must provide the allocation of their seats to the Chancery. At the time of writing the MRPT FreeDem and TSP seats have been allocated, according to the Database. Thus far TSP leader Galen Zaval-Sherby has announced his support for three of the four bills, abstaining on the “We Had a Short Amendment Buried in a Larger One Bill” as well as voting confidence in the government.

Statement from Seneschal: “A Nation Healed?”

Original post on Wittenberg

A few years ago now, two wonderful states looked past their differences and instead focussed on the things which united them. They saw that they shared one nation; they shared a culture and a language, they shared a history as well. Sure, its constitutions varied as did their use of diacritics, but there was an underlying Talossanity which brought us together. Thanks to the hard work of a handful of negotiators, our Talossas became One Talossa. It became a politically different Talossa, with some culture clashes, not to mention personality clashes.

I’m not going to stand here and tell you that all of these things have gone away. There’s a significant amount of enmity between some people in Talossa. Heck, we still have some rebelliousness over the language as well, but I figure that’s more of a good thing than the former. But, things have changed for the better. Reviensadeirs can be found all over Talossa, contributing to the development of our language and the government’s education programmes, contributing to our literature, serving as legislators or ministers.

Reviensadeirs can now claim to have fully integrated. For the very first time, a Reviensadeir has been appointed as Seneschal of the Kingdom of Talossa. A (sort of – I prefer an elective monarchy m’self) republican, for the first time in quite some time is our head of government. But I don’t want to be Seneschal of Republicans. I’ve done that already, believe it or not, when I was a wee bit younger, and the political competition wasn’t quite so stiff. No, I want to be el Seneschal of all Talossans: whether republican, monarchist, or somewhere in between like me.

Our first challenge once votes have been validated, will be to tackle the Proclamation Crisis. My government will resolutely stand by the Democratic Amendment which is currently floating in the Hopper. I urge our future legislators to do the same, whether you’re sitting as a Socialist or a RUMP conservative; whether you’re a Progressive, a Moderate Radical, or a liberal Free Democrat – the Democratic Amendment will see us fix some of the problems with a monarchical system. And, I believe it will strengthen the monarchy: it will be a more democratic monarchy, a more constitutionally limited monarchy, and a better monarchy. It is a monarchy we will all be able to tolerably live under, which is important, because Talossa is a home to a very diverse family of settlers now.

Later today, I will be making my recommendations to the King as to whom I will be including in my Cabinet. I’ll be drawing on talent from the Free Democrats, from the Moderate Radicals, and the Progressives. It is my hope to invite talented Talossans from outside of this coalition to join us as junior ministers too, so that this government can effectively serve all Talossans.

Thank you!


48th Cosâ Election: Forming a government

According to the Organic Law (Article XI, section 2), the King appoints the Seneschal. If a single party controls a majority of the seats in the Cosa, then they designate the person to be appointed, and the King must appoint that person. It is however certain that once the 48th Cosa election has been validated by the Election Commission, no single party will control a majority.

In that case, the King must engage in talks with the party leaders in order to appoint a Seneschál who is capable of keeping the confidence of the Cosâ. This is of crucial importance as there is a Vote of Confidence each month the Cosâ is in session. If no new Seneschál can be appointed (or the incumbent cannot be re-appointed) who can command a majority within one month of the end of the election then the King must dissolve the Cosâ and new elections are held.

At the time of writing the most probable outcome is a renewed FreeDem-MRPT-Progressive coalition. The (unvalidated) 107-seat total of the coalition parties gives them a clear majority, two seats down from their combined total at the dissolution of the 47th Cosâ.

The RUMP, which as the largest single party in the Cosâ would anchor any alternative coalition, lost eleven seats and would need either the FreeDems or the MRPT to abandon the coalition in their favour. The probability of this at the time of writing would appear to be low. The alternative, to assemble a coalition ranging from the Socialist Party to the Progressives, and including either independents Hayes or Ardpresteir, would also appear ambitious at this point and would only have between a one and three seat majority.

The election has shifted the balance of power within the outgoing government parties. The FreeDems managed to remain the largest single component of the outgoing coalition despite a loss of five seats from the combined ZRT-LibCon total at dissolution, and sources close to the alliance state that the mooted fusion between the component parties is still planned.

This will probably result in a change of Seneschál, as the FreeDem candidate C. Carlüs Xheraltescù staked an early claim to the position during the campaign, and neither MRPT’s outgoing Seneschál Lüc da Schir nor the Progressives publicly demurred from the logic that the candidate of the largest party in the coalition should be the Seneschál nominee.

It was however a narrow margin: forty-seven seats to forty-six in favour of the FreeDems. Indeed the MRPT, alone among the established parties in the Cosa, managed to improve on its seat total at dissolution with a gain of four seats, and will be disappointed at losing the leadership of the government due to such a close result. The third coalition partner, the Progressives, lost one seat.

These seat totals however assume no change in the distribution to each party after the validation of the results. The invalidation of even one popular vote could effect the distribution of one to two seats in the Cosâ-and with it the leadership of the government.